‘Friends and enemies’ - The Hindu
He said Gandhi and Jinnah were great leaders who collectively worked to Commenting on the current state of relations between the two. Gandhi and Jinnah - a study in contrasts An extract from the book that riled India's He took the plea that he would study all the Indian questions from 'his own. As leaders and thinkers, Jinnah and Gandhi deserve full Chagla states that Jinnah cultivated no relationships outside politics, and had 'no no matter how far apart he stood from them on the issues at hand, whether he was.
Jinnah did not attend the subsequent League meeting, held in the same city, which passed a similar resolution. Because of the action of the Congress in endorsing Gandhi's campaign, Jinnah resigned from it, leaving all positions except in the Muslim League. Jinnah sought alternative political ideas, and contemplated organising a new political party as a rival to the Congress. He showed much skill as a parliamentarian, organising many Indian members to work with the Swaraj Partyand continued to press demands for full responsible government.
Inas recognition for his legislative activities, he was offered a knighthood by Lord Readingwho was retiring from the Viceroyalty. The review began two years early as Baldwin feared he would lose the next election which he did, in The Cabinet was influenced by minister Winston Churchillwho strongly opposed self-government for India, and members hoped that by having the commission appointed early, the policies for India which they favoured would survive their government.
A minority of Muslims, though, withdrew from the League, choosing to welcome the Simon Commission and repudiating Jinnah. Most members of the League's executive council remained loyal to Jinnah, attending the League meeting in December and January which confirmed him as the League's permanent president.
At that session, Jinnah told the delegates that "A constitutional war has been declared on Great Britain. Negotiations for a settlement are not to come from our side By appointing an exclusively white Commission, [ Secretary of State for India ] Lord Birkenhead has declared our unfitness for self-government. Jinnah, though he believed separate electorates, based on religion, necessary to ensure Muslims had a voice in the government, was willing to compromise on this point, but talks between the two parties failed.
He put forth proposals that he hoped might satisfy a broad range of Muslims and reunite the League, calling for mandatory representation for Muslims in legislatures and cabinets. These became known as his Fourteen Points. He could not secure adoption of the Fourteen Points, as the League meeting in Delhi at which he hoped to gain a vote instead dissolved into chaotic argument. MacDonald desired a conference of Indian and British leaders in London to discuss India's future, a course of action supported by Jinnah.
Three Round Table Conferences followed over as many years, none of which resulted in a settlement. Jinnah was a delegate to the first two conferences, but was not invited to the last. His biographers disagree over why he remained so long in Britain—Wolpert asserts that had Jinnah been made a Law Lordhe would have stayed for life, and that Jinnah alternatively sought a parliamentary seat.
From then on, Muhammad Jinnah would receive personal care and support from her as he aged and began to suffer from the lung ailments which would kill him. She lived and travelled with him, and became a close advisor.
Muhammad Jinnah's daughter, Dina, was educated in England and India. Jinnah later became estranged from Dina after she decided to marry a Christian, Neville Wadia from a prominent Parsi business family. Jinnah continued to correspond cordially with his daughter, but their personal relationship was strained, and she did not come to Pakistan in his lifetime, but only for his funeral.
InIndian Muslims, especially from the United Provincesbegan to urge Jinnah to return and take up again his leadership of the Muslim League, an organisation which had fallen into inactivity.
At Jinnah's request, Liaquat discussed the return with a large number of Muslim politicians and confirmed his recommendation to Jinnah. Full power remained in the hands of the Viceroy, however, who could dissolve legislatures and rule by decree. The League reluctantly accepted the scheme, though expressing reservations about the weak parliament.
The Congress was much better prepared for the provincial elections inand the League failed to win a majority even of the Muslim seats in any of the provinces where members of that faith held a majority.
It did win a majority of the Muslim seats in Delhibut could not form a government anywhere, though it was part of the ruling coalition in Bengal. It was brought home to them, like a bolt of lightning, that even if the Congress did not win a single Muslim seat He secured the right to speak for the Muslim-led Bengali and Punjabi provincial governments in the central government in New Delhi "the centre".
He restructured the League along the lines of the Congress, putting most power in a Working Committee, which he appointed.
- 'Nehru was as much to blame as Jinnah for Partition'
- Muhammad Ali Jinnah
- ‘Friends and enemies’
Choudhary Rahmat Ali published a pamphlet in advocating a state "Pakistan" in the Indus Valleywith other names given to Muslim-majority areas elsewhere in India.
The failure of the Congress leadership to disavow Hindu communalists worried Congress-supporting Muslims. Nevertheless, the Congress enjoyed considerable Muslim support up to about The Muslim League's claims that it alone could safeguard Muslim interests thus received a major boost.
Significantly it was only after this period of Congress rule that it [the League] took up the demand for a Pakistan state Ahmed suggests that Jinnah abandoned hope of reconciliation with the Congress as he "rediscover[ed] his own Islamic roots, his own sense of identity, of culture and history, which would come increasingly to the fore in the final years of his life". Muslims should strengthen Jinnah's hands.
They should join the Muslim League. Indian question, as is now being solved, can be countered by our united front against both the Hindus and the English. Without it, our demands are not going to be accepted.
People say our demands smack of communalism. This is sheer propaganda. But a lot of sickly people think that they are healthy. As described in your account, in the days after Independence, as Nehru and Patel grappled with controlling the rioting, one might feel that Patel understood the reality better. He seemed to have his finger on the pulse, even if he was a hardliner. Yet at the same time, one had to admire Nehru's dashing spirit in trying to go out there and discipline mobs single-handedly, in a sort of romantic Lochinvar style.
'Nehru was as much to blame as Jinnah for Partition' - btcmu.info India News
Or was it more for show? Has your research shown he was really that kind of man? That was his genuine personality.
I don';t think he was showing off for anyone. That captures both what's admirable and frustrating about him. It is admirable, that in a cinematic sense, he would risk his life. It was also exactly the wrong thing for a leader to do.
A leader, in order to effectively control the riots, should delegate and order the army to go there. This is what frustrated Jinnah no end. He is sitting in Karachi, while these riots are happening. He's getting biased reports, but he is still getting reports of what is happening.
Jinnah is sitting and thinking: Why cannot Nehru and Patel -- they have this powerful army, police, a government in place -- why can't they control this? It is because instead of trying to control it Nehru was running around Looking for his father's pistol to fight the rioters with? But those sort of vignettes you don't have about Jinnah? He was a different kind of man.
What did you like best about Jinnah? The way people have treated Jinnah in modern Indian accounts is just to demonise him. The inherent assumption is that demanding Pakistan was the wrong thing to do. I tried to come at the subject with an open mind. Maybe partitioning was the wrong thing to do, maybe it was right, but Jinnah at least had legitimate support for his demands.
He'd just had to prove that democratically, through provincial elections. And it was a demand, that up until the very last minute, he was willing to negotiate.
Until the spring of he was still willing to accept a united India, under the right political conditions. If you just look at that, then there is no reason to demonise him. He was a leader, leading his people. He happened to do it in a way that a lot of people found abrasive, and Nehru in particular loathed. You are a lawyer arguing a case.
Muhammad Ali Jinnah - Wikipedia
You should be able to do it in whatever way that is appropriate. Jinnah was on the political scene, first, before Gandhi. Nehru came along later and both sort of stole Jinnah's position. Was Nehru's primacy in the Congress under Gandhi responsible for making Jinnah more bitter that his ambitions had been thwarted? He Nehru had a great deal to do with it. Jinnah was also frustrated by Gandhi, Patel and all the Congress leaders.
But there was a particular mutual dislike between Nehru and Jinnah. Probably their personalities were so different. I don't think they could really understand each other and what each was trying to do. They were complete opposites in many other ways. Of the three leaders you portray -- Gandhi, Nehru and Jinnah -- Pakistan's future Quaid e Azam is the most fascinating, in that what could have made an alcohol-drinking, reportedly pork-eating man take the right turn that he did?
Well, he definitely kept drinking. I don't know if he kept eating pork or not. In his personal life I don't think he changed that much. He became more of an Islamic, Muslim figure. He did this on purpose to broaden out his appeal. Extremely frustrating to research.
Unlike Gandhi and Nehru -- who wrote everything down and it has all been collected; there are letters and diaries, a ton of material to work with -- with Jinnah that just wasn't what he did. He just didn't write. His letters are all very formal, business like. He kept no diaries. He kept people away from him. There was nobody close to him who could write a memoir and say this is what Jinnah was like when no one else was around. Even his sister Fatima Jinnahher book My Brother about him is written MKG As with 'Mahatma'.
I never regarded myself as one! MAJ What was it that you wanted to ask? And I lost what I coveted-a free, just and undivided India.
We saw India divided MAJ We saw Pakistan born.
MKG It does not seem a happy nation MAJ Is India happy? MKG I thought I was to put the question Looking at his watch I have been waiting for it. MKG I died not of three bullets but of one burnt-up heart. MAJ What is the question?
Mahatma Gandhi, Mohammed Ali Jinnah tried to avoid partition, says Khurshid Mahmud Kasuri
But it was not a nation I recognised. MAJ The question, please. MKG My associates were in no mood to listen to me. They were tiring of the struggle, and of the constant war of words with you when the challenge from Hitler came MKG I was alone, whereas you MKG Now my question is MAJ Putting the pipe back into his pocket Bau darad thayo MKG So we have at least two things in common-we speak Gujarati and we were in pain at the end of our days. MAJ I was speaking of physical pain.
MKG My pain was not physical, except of course at the precise final moment. The first shot coming like a flash rather surprised me The second one hurt, I must say, but the third one I did not really feel But the pain I am talking about was in my heart I died with that pain I do not know how It was all so sickening Anyway, what is the use of thinking about it now I asked them in Bihar, "I ask you how could you live to see an old woman being butchered in front of your eyes What made you think of her as a Muslim?
She was a mother Do not cut my throat MKG Did you take the culprits to task or not? And what about your colleagues?