Foreign relations of the European Union - Wikipedia
The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership and the European of the Union or likely to impair its effectiveness as a cohesive force in international relations. Syria Support Group already illustrates the fact that the EU, and thus. EU-Mediterranean relations before the Arab Spring. 4 Tunisia to Egypt, Yemen, Libya and Syria, and .. The EU did offer funds to help with. mention the right to self-determination, and the Syrian-Lebanese insistence were made to the principles outlined in the European draft of the Declaration.
Portugal has ensured for several years now the position of Assistant Secretary General for Energy in the Union for the Mediterranean. This is a strategic dossier, in particular as regards energy interconnections that may, in the medium term, redraw the map of the hydrocarbon trade and also the electricity transfers in the region. The recent joint launch between the Governments of Portugal and Morocco of a public tender for a feasibility study of an underwater electrical interconnection between the two countries is, in that regard, an historic step.
We and our partners at the MED 7 are committed to increased responsibility in sowing the seeds and increased benefits in harvesting the fruits of such economic recovery of our southern partners.
We are committed to promote the cause of the southern shore of the Mediterranean among our EU partners.
Challenges of the Portuguese Foreign Policy, a look into the Euro-Mediterranean Region*
It was established in with the assignment to promote the dialogue between North and South and operates from its headquarters here in Lisbon. It is important to note that it is a European institution, not a Portuguese one. And also to underline that it is based on a fundamental principle of the Council of Europe: The Centre contributes, through its activities, to the process of consolidating democracy in the member states of the Council of Europe and also in its neighbouring regions, by promoting intercultural dialogue and strengthening the civil society in matters such as gender equality and youth issues.
And we have recently known that the Tunisian Parliament has ratified the Association Agreement. We are happy to be able to count on Tunisia has a full-fledged Member, being such a relevant player in the Maghreb region with successful experiences to share on such important areas as peaceful transition and democracy building.
Syria and the Euro-Mediterranean relationship /Jörg Michael Dostal, Anja Zorob. – National Library
Tunisia will be instrumental to renewing the vitality of the Centre and providing a decisive impulse in addressing its current challenges. Portuguese companies were once very present in the Libyan market and some are still there, despite the hardships. We want them to be able to return there and we want to reshape a rich institutional rapport with the Lybian authorities. Fortunately, Daesh has suffered increasing setbacks in Libya.
But is still necessary to continue the political stabilization efforts, easing the tensions between east and west, and bringing effective authority to the Government of National Accord.
Syria and the Mediterranean Partnership | Syria Studies
Portugal is committed to support the work of the United Nations and the European Union in promoting the Libyan political dialogue and promoting the effectiveness of the security sector. We also follow with great concern the developments in Syria. We believe that the strategy to be pursued must be based on two fronts: There is no alternative to a political solution to the Syrian crisis, in order to bring peace and renewed prosperity to its people.
Portugal has hosted a hundred Syrian students in Portuguese universities and promoted the integration of other fifty in third countries through this Platform, an initiative of former Portuguese President Jorge Sampaio.
On another level, the stability of Egypt is fundamental to the preservation of regional balances.
Cairo is a first-rate partner in the sphere of security and political stability at the regional level but also in economic terms. Recognizing the advances in the agreed roadmap for Democracy, the EU should improve bilateral dialogue with Egypt, with effective the cooperation on subcommittee meetings, and look forward to engage in a new phase of shared commitments with shared responsibilities.European Union and Syria
In conclusion, I hope I did manage to convince you of our true engagement in Mediterranean Region and the importance it has taken in our Foreign Policy. The problem is that these categories do not fully represent the reasons for current human mobility. In fact, international refugee and asylum regulations themselves illustrate the power asymmetries between global North and South, which are rooted in a historically unique process of industrialisation that would not have been possible without colonisation processes and which to this day defines the international system.
Even the Geneva Convention itself reflects this asymmetry: It was not formulated by states from the Global South, thus not by those states who are sending — and receiving — most refugees today, and their goal was not to safeguard their people.
Syria and the Euro-Mediterranean Relationship
Even though reasons for, and forms of, migration have changed, the convention in its original version is still considered the basis for EU refugee and asylum policies. The fact that the criteria for the protection of forced migrants were selected in a different era; the role of the Global North for push factors of migration; and the perpetuation of global asymmetries in the Geneva convention remain a blind spot of European asylum and refugee policies and can be considered a pathology of the EU since they hinder the achievement of the self-declared goal of wanting to be a safe haven for refugees from war.
Yet another and related pathology is the fact that the EU wants to be and has for decades been acting as a norm diffusor Barnett and Finnemore Part of the explanation are the above-mentioned lack of a concerted foreign policy, internal deficits like slow EU Commission procedures and instruments, and strong re-nationalisation tendencies within several member states, but I argue that the issue goes deeper than just dysfunctional structures. At the same time, a re-interpretation of immigration took place within this geographical space: The abolishment of internal borders required the acceptance of immigration from other EU Schengen member states, while at the same time the need to protect national borders was transferred to the EU as supranational institution.
At the same time, the self-given goal of further political integration of the EU in the sense of transferring more national sovereignty to the EU has yet to be achieved see, for instance, the Hague Programme of This has to do, on the one hand, with a border protection machinery which is built to fend off, not let in refugees, or any kind of immigrant, for that matter, and on the other, with a systematic externalisation of border protection to non-EU and non-state entities.
Today, there is in fact no legal way to reach the EU from Syria: Also, there is no valid procedure to receive even a tourist visa, let alone to be granted asylum and a Schengen visa directly from the German or any other European embassy or consulate in Syria or elsewhere outside Europe.